Public sphere and its naturalized exclusions


“Rosalyn Deutsche has argued that the public sphere remains democratic
only insofar as its naturalized exclusions are taken into account and made open to
contestation: “Conflict, division, and instability, then, do not ruin the democratic
public sphere; they are conditions of its existence.” Deutsche takes her lead from
Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a
Radical Democratic Politics. Published in 1985, Laclau and Mouffe’s Hegemony is one
of the first books to reconsider Leftist political theory through the lens of post-
structuralism, following what the authors perceived to be an impasse of Marxist
theorization in the 1970s. Their text is a rereading of Marx through Gramsci’s the-
or y of hegemony and Lacan’s under st anding of subject ivit y as split and
decentered.”

“Jean-Luc Nancy’s critique of the Marxist idea of community as communion in The Inoperative
Community
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991) has been crucial to my consideration of a counter-model to relational aesthetics. Since the mid-1990s, Nancy’s text has become an increasingly important reference point for writers on contemporary art, as seen in Rosalyn Deutsche, Evictions; chapter 4 of Pamela M. Lee’s Object to Be Destroyed: The Work of Gordon Matta-Clark (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000); George Baker, “Relations and Counter-Relations: An Open Letter to Nicolas Bourriaud,” in Zusammenhänge herstellen/Contextualise, ed. Yilmaz Dziewior (Cologne: Dumont, 2002); and Jessica Morgan, Common Wealth (London: Tate Publishing, 2003).”

Antagonism and Relational Aesthetics, Claire Bishop.


Divina proportione, written by Luca Pacioli.

But thou forevermore

AG2020_1890144a

Light filtering through thin plant–mostly green, some yellow, some browning leaves and branching stems–casting soft shadows on a wall. Image was shot in Saint Augustine, at night, March 2020.


What is most near?
       Ah, sweet dead year-
       Thy fallen leaf
       And gathered sheaf,
The presence that is fled,
The vows that once were said-
       These are most near.

       Swift speeds away
       Rose-crowned To-day.
       So far, so far
       Her light feet are!
I look and see thy face
Haunting the upland place,
       Dear Yesterday.

       The blooming flowers,
       The sunny hours-
       These cannot rest,
       These are half blest.
But thou forevermore
Art mine, love, as of yore,
       And time is ours.

Shadows, Harriet Moore

AG2026_2120695a or bare of logic


Mossy and thumping, bare of logic, red (Natalie Shapero)


he used one hand to hold it by its gills and the other to drive a small metal stake between its eyes and directly into its brain—a technique known in Japan as ike jime. The bonito’s body twitched until Yamasaki slid a thin metal wire down the column of its spinal cord, a second step called shinkei jime, which arrests its nervous system.

The method is considered significantly more humane than the standard alternatives for killing a fish (thwacking it on the head, letting it suffocate), and is analogous to halal and kosher butchery, which both require that animals be slaughtered with a swift, decisive cut to the throat. It also results in fish that tastes better and stays fresh significantly longer.

How to Kill a Fish (The New Yorker)

AG2022_2110903a or effective revolutionary organizations


When the Social-Democratic worker found himself in the economic crisis which degraded him to a coolie, the development of his revolutionary feelings was inhibited by the conservative structure which had been cultivated in him for decades. Either he remained in the Social-Democratic party, in spite of all his criticism and rebellion. Or, oscillating between his revolutionary and his conservative feelings, and disillusioned by Social- Democratic leadership, he followed the path of least resistance and switched to the NSDAP, hoping to find better leadership there. In this situation, it depended on the correct or incorrect mass leadership of the revolutionary party whether or not the worker would give up his conservative tendency and would develop the full consciousness of his responsibility in the production process, that is, his revolutionary consciousness. The Communist contention that it was Social-Democratic politics which had helped fascism come to power was—mass-psychologically— correct. Disillusionment in Social Democracy must, in the presence of a conflict between pauperization and conservative thinking, lead into the fascist camp if there are no effective revolutionary organizations. Thus there was, for example, a fascization of the workers in England after the fiasco of the Labor party in 1930–31; in the elections of 1931, the workers, instead of swinging to Communism, shifted to the right. Democratic Scandinavia, also, was threatened by such a development.

The Mass Psychology of Fascism, Wilhelm Reich


via IG